Menstuff® has compiled the following information on Mine
Fields. Click on poster above to enlarge. See other posters here.
The Problem
A Couple of Samples
History of Land mines
Changing Uses
Technological Advances
Production and Trade
Impact of Land mines
Bush backs away from international ban on land
mines
Mine Facts: Land mine Data by
Country
Mine Action Information:
Publications
Adopt A Mine
Field
Land Mine Facts
Land Mines and
Afghanistan
Afghanistan
Campaign to End the Use of Land
Mines
Resources
Related issue: Mine
FIelds
Land mines are indiscriminate weapons by nature — they do not distinguish between a soldier’s footstep and a child’s footstep. Their toll on mine-affected communities is devastating, and the consequences of their use are felt years after hostilities cease. "Once peace is declared the land mine does not recognize that peace," says Jody Williams, coordinator of the International Campaign to Ban Land mines and Nobel Peace Prize laureate. "The land mine is eternally prepared to take victims." Landline victims suffer debilitating physical and emotional injuries, victims’ families and communities are plagued by psychological and economic burdens, and the environmental impact of land mines on their surroundings is significant. Land mines also impede long-term reconstruction of war-torn societies, the return of refugees and internally displaced persons to their homes, and political reconciliation and peace.
The true measure of the global land mine crisis is the impact that land mines have on mine-affected communities. Estimates of the number of land mines deployed vary widely because the precise location of mines is not known. A minefield is not defined by the number of mines located within a specified boundary. Rather, it is an area suspected of containing mines — an area that is rendered uninhabitable or that cannot be cultivated or put to productive use because local populations fear entering the area. The element of tragedy that befalls mine victims and their families and communities is a powerful deterrent to any individual who might otherwise use land for productive purposes or basic everyday activities. Unfortunately, fundamental human instincts and the need for food all too often compel adults and children alike to enter mined areas.
Traditionally, antipersonnel land mines were used for military defense purposes, but increasingly they are used as offensive weapons. They are designed to target civilian populations, disrupt people’s lives, and displace entire communities from their homes and agricultural bases. Their purpose is to inflict maximum harm on victims and to create a state of military, political, social, and economic imbalance in war-torn societies. Unexploded ordnance (UXO) also add significantly to the plight of these communities. They are typically strewn across large areas of land and respond like land mines when stepped on or picked up off the ground. Statistically, there are four times as many UXO as land mines.
Fifty-four countries have produced more than 340 models of antipersonnel land mines. They cost as little as $3 to produce and are relatively easy to deploy. They can be laid anywhere, including roads, paths, fields, buildings, waterways, bridges, forests, and deserts. By contrast, it costs between $300 and $1,000 to locate and destroy a single mine, typically a very complex and time-consuming task.
In recent years, the international community has made significant
progress in addressing the global land mine crisis. An international
treaty to ban land mines, known as the Mine Ban Treaty, entered into
force on March 1, 1999, faster than any international treaty in
history. International and non governmental organizations are working
with mine-affected countries to establish effective mine awareness
campaigns and victim assistance programs. The United Nations is
coordinating a global effort to survey the state of land mine
contamination in mine-affected countries, and private and public
groups are undertaking mine clearance efforts in more countries than
ever before. Yet, with all these accomplishments to its credit, the
international community continues to face many overwhelming
challenges, including the fact that for every 50,000 mines removed
from the ground, an estimated two million new mines are deployed.
A Couple of Samples
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Ours: M16A2: The Bouncing Betty, is even more touchy than the Valmara-69 - just eight pounds of pressure will set it off. It's deadlier, too: Its shrapnel obliterates anyone within 98 feet. |
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Theirs: Valmara-69: It leaps from the ground and explodes between waist and chest height, shredding you with 2,000 metal fragments and turning your own bone splinters into lethal shrapnel. Twenty-four pounds of pressure - or a small, inquisitive dog - will trigger the Valmara. Includes an "anti handling" device. If you try to defuse it, it explodes. The Winner: Because it refuses to be defused. |
Blast Mines - The most common mines of all, these explode when stepped on. Laid in the ground, they rely on the power of the explosion alone to do their damage. These mines have probably killed more civilians than any other. Most made by the former Soviet Union, they have also been produced by Iraq and possibly other countries as well. Due to its large explosive charge it often kills and is designed to be virtually impossible to neutralize.
Fragmentation Mines - Activated by tripwires just a few centimeters above the ground, these mines shoot out hundreds of metal fragments at twice the speed of ordinary bullets. Often mounted on stakes or tied to trees and undergrowth, they are also known as stake mines. Often planted in clusters. Of Soviet origin, similar mines have been made by former Czechoslovakia, forger Yugoslavia, China, Egypt and South Korea.
Bounding Fragmentation Mines - These mines leap up into the air to about chest level before exploding into fragments. They kill whoever sets them off and can wound people over a much wider radius than surface mines of a similar size. Trip wires are often connected to its fuse prongs. Stepping on it would also set it off. Manufactured in Italy and on contract in several other countries, it has been widely deployed, especially in Afghanistan.
Directional Fragmentation Mines - Shooting out steel balls at high velocity in a predetermined direction, these mines are set off by tripwires or by remote control. Some varieties can kill at up to 200 metres. The Soviet MON-50 is a version of the widely-used American M-18 Claymore mine. The curved plate is filled with pellets in front of the explosive.
Scatterable Mines - These mines do not need to be laid by hand; they can be scattered from aircraft or by artillery. They land on the ground without exploding and some are even capable of setting up their own tripwires. The notorious Soviet PFM-1 "butterfly" blast mine widely used in Afghanistan, is intended to ensure that it slides to the ground though children have found it fascinating to their loss. Small enough to fit in the palm of your hand and coming in camouflage colors green and sand, it blends in with the terrain.
The lightweight, irregularly shaped SB-33 blast mine (made in Italy) can be scattered in large numbers by helicopters. Its mottled surface makes it difficult to detect by sight. It has an anti-shock device that prevents it from being detonated by explosions or artificial pressure.
Remember, all of these mines kill civilians - none stops an army.
The Two World Wars
The first improvised precursors of land mines were used in the 15th century at the battle of Agincourt in England and in the 19th century during the American Civil War. However, it was not until World War II that land mines became a prevalent weapon on the battlefield. World War I witnessed the introduction of tanks to break the impasse of trench warfare. Antitank mines were developed to counter this new invention. During World War II, more than 300 million antitank mines, filled with powerful, lightweight trinitrotoluene (TNT), were deployed by all warring parties.
The military use of antitank mines was compromised, however, because they could be easily removed and redeployed by the enemy. Smaller antipersonnel land mines were developed to address this problem. They were deployed around antitank mines to prevent their removal. One of the most effective antipersonnel land mines during this time was the German-made "bouncing betty," which was designed to jump from the ground to hip-height when activated and to propel hundreds of steel fragments within a wide range. Military forces soon began to use antipersonnel land mines as a weapon in their own right.
Originally, both antitank and antipersonnel land mines were developed as tactical, defensive weapons. They were intended to protect troops, military bases, and key installations like power plants and water supplies. They were also used to delay the advance of enemy troops, to deny them access to certain areas and resources, and to burden them with soldiers injured by land mines. "Nuisance minefields" — two or three mines placed at the entrance of a house or designated area — were intended to have a demoralizing psychological effect on troops. Soldiers during World War I and World War II lived in constant fear of mines and invested valuable time and energy clearing suspected mined areas.
After World War II, advances in weapons technology accelerated rapidly. In the 1960s, an antipersonnel land mine was developed that could be delivered by air and automatically activated as it hit the ground. These scatterable mines made it possible to rapidly deploy large numbers of mines, rather than the more traditional, time-consuming method of manually planting each mine by hand.
This new technology quickly changed the fundamental nature of antipersonnel land mines from a tactical, defensive weapon to a strategic, offensive weapon. Mines were now used to drive a wedge between opposing forces and their military bases, and to channel these forces into adverse terrain. Increasingly, scatterables and hand-deployed mines were used against civilian populations — to terrorize communities, to displace entire villages, to render fertile agricultural land unusable, and to destroy national infrastructures like roads, bridges, and water sources.
Scatterables were first introduced by the United States during the Vietnam War. However, they had severe consequences for U.S. troops, who often found themselves retreating through their own, unmarked minefields. Nearly one-third of all U.S. casualties during the war were due to land mines deployed by U.S. troops themselves. These BLU-43 and BLU-44, nicknamed "dragon teeth" because of their shape, were the forerunners of the Soviet-made PFM-1, or "butterfly" mine, which was extensively used during the conflict in Afghanistan in the late 1970s and 1980s.
With the proliferation of low-intensity conflicts in the 1960s and 1970s in many less developed areas of the world, land mines became the weapon of choice for many government troops, paramilitaries, and guerilla forces. They were cheap, effective, and durable weapons of war, readily available, and easy to manufacture or procure locally. As land mines became more prevalent, the distinction between their defensive and offensive uses became blurred. In addition, the traditional rule of mapping and marking all minefields became increasingly disregarded after World War II. The remote delivery of scatterable mines further led to imprecise minefield boundaries and made adequate mapping and marking of minefields altogether impossible.
In recent decades, new technologies have transformed the improvised "dumb" land mine, traditionally used for defensive purposes, into a sophisticated "smart" mine that is now used largely for offensive purposes. Technological advances have made land mines more dangerous for civilians and more difficult, if not impossible, to detect. Greater numbers of mines can be laid more rapidly than ever before. Furthermore, as land mines have become more sophisticated, mine clearance technologies have developed very slowly. In general, the most effective and reliable method of clearing mines continues to be manual demining — a deminer probing the ground with a prod, checking the ground for mines one inch at a time.
Technologically advanced mines include remote delivery systems and mines with low metal content, electronic sensors, and self-destruct mechanisms. Remote delivery systems deploy large numbers of scatterable mines from the air, which automatically activate as they hit the ground. Plastic mines contain very little metal content, they are extremely durable, and they are virtually impossible to detect with traditional metal detectors. While mines with electronic sensors are intended to differentiate between animals and humans, and are often capable of identifying the numbers of passersby before they explode, they do not distinguish between soldiers and civilians, and between children and adults. Accordingly, even these "smart" mines are indiscriminate weapons of war.
Self-destructing mines are designed to automatically explode after a preset time. They are used largely by military forces to shape the battlefield and to be destroyed once troops have moved beyond areas of confrontation. They are intended to minimize the long-term scope of danger to civilians. However, one of the limitations of these self-destructing mines is that they are not sufficiently reliable. Civilians are frequently maimed or killed if they are near the epicenter of an explosion at the time of self-denotation.
Self-neutralizing mines, a variation of self-destructing mines, are also designed to reduce the danger of land mines. These mines defuse themselves after a period of time without exploding. However, their neutralizing mechanism is not 100 percent assured and individuals who locate these mines are unable to determine whether or not they have been neutralized. Combined, these two factors make self-neutralizing mines an even less favorable alternative than self-destructing mines.
As land mines become more technically sophisticated and advanced, the likelihood of their malfunctioning also increases. While these new "smart" mines are readily available around the world, most warring parties, including rebels, paramilitary groups, and governments in low-intensity conflicts, prefer to use traditional "dumb" mines because they are cheaper, simpler to use, and easier to manufacture.
The production and trade of antipersonnel land mines is a secretive business. Governments and companies are reluctant to disclose information about their involvement in the production or sale of mines. The Arms Project of Human Rights Watch has compiled a list of nearly 100 companies in 54 countries — both in the developed and developing world — that have manufactured more than 340 models of antipersonnel land mines or their components, at a production rate of five to ten million mines a year. Conventional antipersonnel land mines cost between $3 and $27 to produce, while technologically advanced mines, like scatterables and self-destructing mines, can cost up to 50 times more.
While it is difficult to obtain complete and reliable information about the production and sale of land mines, there is an urgent need for transparency in order to minimize and eventually eliminate the dangers to civilians. This issue has become of paramount importance since the Mine Ban Treaty entered into force on March 1, 1999. The treaty prohibits the use, stockpiling, production, and transfer of antipersonnel land mines and calls for their destruction. The publication of information on the production and trade of mines is essential to properly enforce the treaty and to ensure that states parties comply with its provisions.
The Mine Ban Treaty has already had some tangible effects on the
production and trade of land mines, even among countries that have
not yet become party to the treaty. By 1999, only 16 of the original
54 mine-producing countries continued to manufacture antipersonnel
land mines or their components, and all traditional exporters of
mines, except Iraq, have officially ceased their activities.
The impact of land mines on war-torn societies is devastating. Broadly speaking, they impede the ability of mine-affected communities to fully recover from conflicts after the cessation of hostilities. Beyond the immediate dangers to life and limb, land mines impose a heavy economic burden on these communities. It costs between $300 and $1,000 to remove each mine and $100 to $3,000 to provide an artificial limb to survivors of mine accidents. An adult must replace his or her prosthesis once every three to five years, and a child must obtain a new prosthesis every six months.
Other significant medical, psychosocial, and economic impacts of land mines exist. For instance, mines typically maim or kill the most productive members of a community’s work force, and prevent refugees and internally displaced persons from returning to their homes after conflicts have ceased. Furthermore, land mines produce severe environmental consequences. They also impede peace and reconciliation efforts, and they obstruct the delivery of international relief supplies. When addressing the global land mine crisis, it is necessary to "look at the injured and land mine survivors not just as those who step on a land mine and perhaps have an amputated limb, but as the families and communities that are held hostage to land mines," says Jerry White, cofounder of Landline Survivors Network.
Of the estimated 26,000 civilians killed or maimed every year by land mines, 8,000 to 10,000 are children. Many more lose their parents to land mine accidents or have to bear the difficult responsibility of supporting their families after a family member has been disabled or killed. Children who have been injured by mines are not only a burden on their families and communities, but they are no longer perceived as being productive members of society.
Children are particularly vulnerable to land mines. Their small size places them closer to the source of a mine’s explosion and, consequently, they often sustain more severe injuries than adults. Furthermore, because children are curious and like to play outdoors, they frequently leave known, safe paths or pick up mines, mistaking them for toys.
In addition, children are responsible for tending cattle and sheep in many societies. They often follow their livestock into remote areas in search of new grazing lands. In some armed conflicts, children are used as messengers and porters, or as sweepers to clear minefields.
Children who survive mine accidents require new prostheses every six months in order to accommodate their growth patterns. In contrast, adults typically require prosthesis replacement every three to five years. The costs of tending to children’s medical needs is often prohibitive — few families can afford these costs and few countries have adequate supplies of prostheses.
Land mines have numerous direct and indirect consequences on the health of people living in mine-affected countries. Mines kill and maim innocent men, women, and children; and they deny people access to adequate medical services, immunizations, and safe water and food, leading to the spread of diseases. Furthermore, many mine-affected countries do not have adequate health facilities or mined roads and bridges virtually cut off entire populations from existing services.
Mine injuries typically include loss of limbs or eyesight. Mine victims lose significant quantities of blood, requiring large transfusions. Medical centers in mine-affected countries, however, often face severe blood shortages and are forced to loosen safety restrictions on blood donations. In turn, these loosened restrictions increase contamination of the blood supply. Furthermore, mine victims that survive their injuries and initial treatment face a lifetime of dependency on medical services, including regular fittings for prostheses and psychosocial counseling.
Land mines also prevent access to safe drinking water, forcing people to drink dirty, contaminated water that can cause diarrhea and cholera. In addition, rotting carcasses of animals killed by land mines turn minefields into breeding grounds for insects, such as tse tse flies and malarial mosquitoes, that transmit viruses and bacteria. The deployment of mines also renders large tracts of fertile farmland unusable, which in turn leads to food shortages and severe malnutrition. Undernourishment is particularly devastating to the long-term health and survival of children still in their developing years.
The international community works closely with mine-affected countries to implement victim assistance and rehabilitation programs intended to help mine victims. It also promotes broad health awareness and immunization campaigns to minimize some of the long-term medical consequences of land mines. Funding is a continual problem in providing adequate aid to victims and mine-affected communities, and damaged infrastructures prevent large numbers of people, especially those living in remote villages, from receiving adequate medical care even when treatment is available.
The psychological and social traumas associated with land mines can be as devastating on a mine-affected community as the immediate physical injuries sustained by mine victims. Men, women, and children all suffer terrible psychological consequences associated with the presence of land mines and land mine-related injuries. Some victims are permanently disfigured, while others living in mined areas face the constant fear that they may be next. Many mine victims are ostracized by their communities and not welcomed back after suffering their injuries. Amputated women are less desirable as wives because they are no longer able to work in the fields, which is their traditional role in many countries. Amputated men often become drifters. Spouses leave one another for healthier partners. Children are either left alone when their parents are killed or must assume primary responsibility for caring for their severely injured parents.
Most governments in mine-affected countries do not have adequate resources to care for and rehabilitate mine victims or to facilitate their reintegration into society. Accordingly, the burden of care and responsibility generally falls upon a victim’s family. Unfortunately, victims are often unable to rely on their families for the support they require. Furthermore, because the majority of mine-affected countries are agrarian societies, disabled persons who are unable to undertake strenuous physical work in the fields are typically considered a burden by their family members.
The level of alienation that some mine victims experience is further exacerbated by conditions of war and famine, which tend to undermine traditional family structures. Mine victims are the most vulnerable members of society, particularly if mine-affected communities are unable to support themselves and disintegrate.
Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons
The traditional problem of refugees and internally displaced persons that accompanies most conflicts is exacerbated by the use of land mines. Mines are increasingly used to terrorize civilian populations and channel their movements, resulting in ever larger numbers of displaced persons forced to leave their homes. After hostilities cease, the continued presence of mines on roads, in agricultural fields, and in buildings prevent populations from returning to their homes. This destruction leaves large areas of land uninhabited and uncultivated, hampering postwar reconstruction efforts.
The widespread presence of mines forces people into urban centers, leading to overcrowding, high unemployment, and severe health and sanitation problems.
Refugee camps face similar problems. These camps are often makeshift, overcrowded, and serve as breeding grounds for diseases. Mined roads impede the delivery of humanitarian aid to these camps. Furthermore, the influx of refugees into neighboring countries can be a burden on the host country and lead to conflict and tension in refugee camps and among neighboring countries.
Most mine-affected countries are agrarian societies whose economies are predominantly defined by the quality and quantity of their agricultural production. The peoples of these largely developing countries rely on the land for their food and livelihood. However, the presence of mines in agricultural fields renders large tracts of fertile soil unusable. Farmers and peasants are unable to safely cultivate their land and livestock feeding off the land are frequently killed by mines, constituting grave economic losses for their owners. These cattle, goats, and other farm animals are often villagers’ only possessions. Mine contamination causes local and national economies to suffer and entire populations to become dependent on external food aid and other forms of international assistance.
Mines destroy national infrastructures and impede economic development and reconstruction efforts. Transportation networks, power lines, and water resources are damaged and inaccessible. The production and distribution of fundamental goods and services is disrupted. Tourism markets, an important source of income in many countries, suffer greatly. In addition, mine clearance programs divert financial resources from critical development and reconstruction projects.
The direct and indirect costs of land mine accidents also have a profound economic toll on most mine-affected countries. Medical care is expensive and often unavailable. The costs of surgery, prostheses, and psychosocial rehabilitation deplete a country’s already scarce resources, and families often cannot afford to pay for necessary treatment. And because many land mine victims are unable to return to work after their accidents, they frequently become a financial burden on their families and communities.
One of the long-term consequences of land mines is that mine-affected countries become heavily dependent on the international community for humanitarian and development assistance. However, funding for international aid projects is not always adequate or evenly distributed among needy countries. Furthermore, where funds or aid are available, relief organizations are frequently unable to reach their intended destinations because infrastructures, including roads and bridges, have been mined. The inability to provide adequate food, shelter, medical supplies, and government services perpetuates the cycle of despair endured daily by millions of people worldwide.
In addition to the impact on their victims, land mines also have severe environmental consequences. Mined areas can restrict access to large areas of agricultural land, forcing populations to use small tracts of land to earn their livelihoods. The limited productive land that is available is over-cultivated, which contributes to long-term underproduction, as minerals are depleted from the soil, and the loss of valuable vegetation. Furthermore, land mines introduce poisonous substances into the environment as their casings erode. Explosives commonly used in land mines, such as trinitrotoluene (TNT), seep into the soil. The decomposition of these substances can cause many environmental problems because they are often water soluble, carcinogenic, toxic, and long-lasting.
Land mines also harm the environment when they explode, scattering debris, destroying surrounding vegetation, and disrupting soil composition. This substantially decreases the productivity of agricultural land and increases an area’s vulnerability to water and wind erosion, which in turn can add sediment into drainage systems, adversely affecting water habitats. Unexploded ordnance (UXO) detonations have similar results. One study has shown that the detonation of UXO in the Vietnamese province of Quang Tri has drastically reduced soil productivity. According to estimates, rice production per hectare has decreased 50 percent in this area.
The slow degradation of land mines and their devastating impact on surrounding land can render resources unusable for many generations. The environmental impact of land mines is particularly pronounced when viewed in conjunction with socioeconomic factors and other consequences of land mine contamination.
Land mines pose a continuous threat to peace and reconciliation. They prevent post-conflict reconstruction of war-torn economies and can too easily threaten fragile peace plans. Damaged infrastructures, including roads, bridges, and water supplies, impede efforts to deliver relief supplies to remote areas. This can perpetuate the cycle of poverty inherent in so many mine-affected countries, leading to further tension and conflict. Furthermore, these countries often become dependent on external food aid and other forms of international assistance. This dependency can undermine national pride and be exploited by extremist groups intent on overthrowing national and local governments.
Land mines frequently prevent government access to politically important regions, impeding efforts to deliver goods and services, and hampering efforts to secure political support among local populations. A government's failure in these two areas often leads mine-affected communities to seek protection and assistance from armed groups, further undermining the national government’s attempts to restore peace to the region. Opposition groups capitalize on this local support to enable them to mobilize their forces and launch military attacks against government troops. The presence of land mines perpetuates the militarization of post-conflict societies and undermines the confidence and security needed for successful peace and reconciliation.
Source: www.landmines.org/glc/index-glc.asp
Bush backs away from international ban on land
mines
In a letter to a leading congressional critic of land mines, Mr James McGovern, a Democrat, the State Department's chief lobbyist said the Administration was reviewing "the need for land mines on the modern battlefields of the future".
Mr Paul Kelly, the head of the State Department's legislative affairs bureau, added that the department believed that land-mine policy should be left "to our colleagues in the Department of Defense for their determination and judgment".
The Administration's reluctance to embrace a treaty that has been signed by 140 countries and ratified by 117 of them is the latest example of what critics call an increasing US tendency to go it alone in international affairs. In a foreign-policy address on Thursday, the House Democratic leader, Mr Richard Gephardt, said: "The Administration has ratcheted up the unilateral rhetoric in just the last few months."
The Secretary of State, Mr Colin Powell, insisted in a CNN interview that the Administration was not turning its back on international cooperation, although it had serious objections to some treaties.
"Just because they are multilateral doesn't mean they are good," Mr Powell said.
Mr McGovern said he was disturbed by the Kelly letter because it did not acknowledge Mr Clinton's promise that the US would comply with the treaty by 2006 after giving the Pentagon time to develop a substitute for mines, which kill and maim thousands of civilians every year.
In 1997, when much of the world endorsed the anti-mine treaty, the US balked.
The Clinton Administration acknowledged that many mines remained deadly for decades, but it said they were a necessary part of US strategy on the Korean peninsula, where mines are sown along the border that separates the communist North from the democratic South.
Mr Clinton, while refusing to join the treaty, signed an executive order in 1998 promising to obey the ban everywhere but on the Korean peninsula by 2003, and in all countries by 2006.
Mr McGovern said he was disappointed by Mr Clinton's cautious approach, "but I thought that the question was not if we would sign the treaty but when we would sign it. After reading the letter from Kelly, I have doubts about whether we ever will sign the treaty.''
Mr McGovern said Washington's refusal to sign the treaty made it impossible for the US to press Russia, China and a handful of other countries to stop using land mines.
"Because we won't sign, we aren't in a position to pressure or embarrass anybody else into not using mines."
Source: By Norman Kempster, Los Angeles
Times www.smh.com.au/news/0108/04/world/world8.html
Mine Facts: Landline Data by Country
|
|
|
|
|
|
Afghanistan |
5 to 7 million |
158,000 |
l540,000 |
|
Angola |
6 to 15 million |
10,000 |
70,000 |
|
Azerbaijan |
100,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Bosnia and Herzegovina |
600,000 to 1 million |
49,010 |
NA |
|
Burundi |
50,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Cambodia |
4 to 6 million |
800,000 |
444,018 |
|
Chad |
NA |
3,000 |
40 tons |
|
China |
10 million |
280,000 to 1 mil |
NA |
|
Colombia |
1,500 |
NA |
NA |
|
Costa Rica |
1,000 to 2,000 |
300 to 1,200 |
NA |
|
Croatia |
400,000 |
8,000 |
8 to 10 tons |
|
Cyprus |
17,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Denmark |
9,900 |
1,600 |
14,250 |
|
Ecuador |
60,000 to 80,000 |
2,900 |
NA |
|
Egypt |
22.5 million |
11 million |
NA |
|
Eritrea |
1 million |
NA |
NA |
|
Ethiopia |
500,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Falkland Islands |
NA |
4,220 |
2,713,658 |
|
Georgia |
150,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Guatemala |
2,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Honduras |
35,000 |
2,001 |
NA |
|
Iran |
16 million |
200,000 |
5,207,600 |
|
Iraq |
10 million |
37,000 |
143,493 |
|
Israel |
260,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Jordan |
206,193 |
11,000 |
NA |
|
Laos |
NA |
251 |
43,098 |
|
Latvia |
NA |
11,200 |
2,100 |
|
Lebanon |
8,795 to 35,000 |
17,292 |
104,660 |
|
Libya |
100,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Mauritania |
10,000 |
7,000 |
5,000 |
|
Morocco |
200,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Mozambique |
1 million |
58,000 |
Included |
|
Namibia |
50,000 |
101,500 |
Included |
|
Nicaragua |
85,000 |
31,000 |
NA |
|
Panama |
5,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Rwanda |
250,000 |
213 |
7,415 |
|
Slovenia |
NA |
NA |
48,800 kg |
|
Somalia |
1 million |
32,511 |
72,749 |
|
South Africa |
250,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
South Korea |
250,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Sri Lanka |
25,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Sudan |
1 million |
NA |
NA |
|
Syria |
100,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Tajikistan |
100,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Thailand |
100,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Uganda |
50,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Ukraine |
1 million |
3 million |
24 million |
|
United States |
0 |
NA |
NA |
|
Vietnam |
3.5 million |
58,747 |
NA |
|
Yemen |
100,000 |
65,000 |
NA |
|
Yugoslavia |
500,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Zaire |
50,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Zambia |
100,000 |
NA |
NA |
|
Zimbabwe |
2.2 million |
NA |
NA |
Mine Action Information: Publications
Campaign to End the Use of Land Mines
* * *
...there's no difference between one's killing and one's making
decisions that will send others to kill. It's exactly the same thing,
or even worse. - Golda Meir
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